American culture has changed markedly since the Pilgrims arrived in Massachusetts Bay back in 1620, but that Puritan strain of thinking remains a significant factor in American politics. The average American reacts poorly to non-Americans telling America what to do, even when that advice comes from nations that are not only American allies, but American friends. Yet Americans have few qualms about making similar pronouncements to the rest of the world and rarely seem to see the conflict.
Secretary of State Rice has made it clear to Israel that America does not approve of Israeli attempts to negotiate a potential peace treaty with Syria (ht: Talking Points Memo). Vice President Cheney is warning China that its arms buildup belies its claim for a desired peaceful rise to global power. The latter reference is particularly amusing, given the amount of money America spends on its military despite a similar claim regarding its desires for peace. I concede that I trust a heavily-armed America more than I do a heavily-armed China, but that is because I reside in the United States and have at least some faith in her intentions. Viewing the situation from the perspective of a non-American, it is difficult to see why America should feel it has the right to make such pronouncements.
American exceptionalism is an important part of U.S. culture. We believe that we are somehow different from the other nations of the globe and that we seen little wrong with trying to make the rest of the world a better place by making it resemble America. Consider one of the justifications of the Iraq War: bringing democracy to Iraq, because, as President Bush claimed, all people desire freedom. Yet that claim flies in the face of human history. Russia is well on its way back to a return of autocracy because the Russian people didn't like freedom much at all. The world's peoples are not Americans who dress funny and speak different languages. Indeed, were the rest of the world also populated by Americans, there would be no America, for the United States was built by people looking for something different than what they could have in their native lands. Yet American governments rarely seem to understand that.
The American government has the right and the duty to try to influence other governments in favor of the United States' interests. But it does not seem unreasonable to point out that very few governments see it as an advantage to be seen kowtowing to foreign demands; indeed, as Hugo Chavez is demonstrating in Venezuela, setting yourself up as someone willing to stand up to Washington can pay dividends. Public pronouncements that Israel should not negotiate with Syria or that China needs to cool it with their arms buildup are as likely to cause those governments to do the opposite simply to avoid being seen as an American lapdog. Such pronouncements also feed into the view of all too many people of America as a bully throwing its weight around the world stage without regard for everyone else.
Not so long ago, Americans didn't want to be the world's policemen. Today it seems we have not only accepted the role, but are relishing it, and the results have been a predictable erosion of our reputation around the world. Nobody likes a busybody, especially one who is more than willing to barge into their living room to offer advice. If Americans wish to remain truly exceptional, a good first start would be stepping back from the world stage. Isolationism is not a realistic nor useful guide to foreign policy, but there is plenty of room between cutting ourselves off from the rest of the world entirely and our current policy. It will not solve all of our problems by any means; as long as the United States is the biggest power on the block, there will be plenty of people who aren't fond of us. But a big United States that spends less time throwing its weight around is likely to at least make fewer enemies, and hyperpuissance or not, the U.S. seems to have more than enough enemies already.